Arkiv

Inlägg taggade ‘Mellanöstern’

Israel lobbyn ute på newsmill?

Jag ser att den svenska Israel lobbyn är ute på Newsmill och ropar på svenskt stöd åt Israel. En cyniker hade undrar om artikel är ett beställningsjobb från Israels UD och den pågående kampanjen de driver för att öka omvärldens stöd för en ‘militär’ Iran lösning.

Relevant i sammanhanget är således inte huruvida Iran kan utveckla ett massivt kärnvapen, utan vilka geopolitiska ambitioner man har.

Mest relevant är meningen ovan som anger vad den Israeliska paranoian egentligen handlar om. Att Israels roll och militära hegemoni i mellanöstern ska brytas eller hotas.

The attack would be the first with nuclear weapons since 1945, when the United States dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. The Israeli weapons would each have a force equivalent to one-fifteenth of the Hiroshima bomb.
Under the plans, conventional laser-guided bombs would open “tunnels” into the targets. “Mini-nukes” would then immediately be fired into a plant at Natanz, exploding deep underground to reduce the risk of radioactive fallout.
“As soon as the green light is given, it will be one mission, one strike and the Iranian nuclear project will be demolished,” said one of the sources.
The plans, disclosed to The Sunday Times last week, have been prompted in part by the Israeli intelligence service Mossad’s assessment that Iran is on the verge of producing enough enriched uranium to make nuclear weapons within two years.
Israeli military commanders believe conventional strikes may no longer be enough to annihilate increasingly well-defended enrichment facilities. Several have been built beneath at least 70ft of concrete and rock. However, the nuclear-tipped bunker-busters would be used only if a conventional attack was ruled out and if the United States declined to intervene, senior sources said.

Revealed: Israel plans nuclear strike on Iran – Times Online

Översätt innebär en militär lösning att med svenskt stöd det första kärnvapenanfallet sedan 2 världskriget skulle genomföras av Israel. För, som de svenska parlamentarikerna noggrant undviker att säga, är Israel den starkast kärnvapenmakten i mellanöstern. Liksom innehavaren av kemiska och bakteriologiska vapen program inlett av fredspritstagaren Shimon Peres.

Lika noggrant undviker de svenska parlamentarikerna att nämna att Israel är regionens starkast konventionella militära makt och ansluten till en gemensam militärpakt med världens enda kvarvarande supermakt. Som utsträckt sitt anti-missil program även till Israel.

Den Israeliska kampanjen är också ett sätt att motverka den delen av Obama administrationen som verkar för ett närmande till Iran. Någon som den israeliska ledningen motsatt sig starkt.

Så nu gäller det för alla Israels ‘vänner’ att sprida historien om kärnvapnen hotet från Iran i händerna på de ‘galna’ mullorna som inte vill annat att se en ny förintelse. De var förstås heller inte så länge sedan som samma berättelse gällde en annan stat kallad Irak….

Från västvärldens sida har det länge funnits misstankar om att Iran planerar att utveckla kärnvapen. Iran har hävdat att utvecklandet av kärnenergiteknik endast syftar till att användas som energiförsörjning. Landet har dock ett omfattande kärnenergiprogram som består av såväl atomforskning som en väl utvecklad missilteknik. Relevant i sammanhanget är således inte huruvida Iran kan utveckla ett massivt kärnvapen, utan vilka geopolitiska ambitioner man har. Skillnaden mellan att bearbeta uran för att producera energi eller vapen handlar kanske inte så mycket om teknik som tid och intention. Om Iran besitter kärnvapen, skulle dess blotta existens förändra Mellanösterns politiska dynamik. En sådan förskjutning av maktbalansen påverkar givetvis även Europa. Marknaden skulle bli mer instabil och oljepriser skjuta i höjden. Hela det världspolitiska läget skulle förändras.

Det är inte bara Israel som oroas över Irans kärnvapenprogram. Rädslan återfinns också bland de arabiska staterna där flera initierat egna kärnenergiprogram eller samarbeten. Egypten har inlett ett nukleärt samarbete med Frankrike, vilket definitivt föranleddes av denna rädsla. Likaså har Förenade Arabemiraten inlett förhandlingar med USA i syfte att bygga upp ett eget kärnenergiprogram. Något som de själva framhåller som ett projekt med fredliga avsikter. Det finns också anledning att tro att även Qatar har dylika planer. Från flera av Gulfstaternas sida förbereds också en strategisk rapport genom bildandet av en nukleär forskningskomission.

Sverige måste stödja Israel i kampen mot den iranska bomben | Newsmill

Svensk strategi för västbanken-gaza

För den som är intresserad har Sverige faktiskt en plan för Västbanken och Gaza. Det är bara synd att vad som sägs där inte framförs officiellt av Sverige.

Situationen för den palestinska befolkningen har förvärrats under de
senaste åren. Den tilltagande israeliska avspärrningspolitiken innebär
stora begränsningar i rörelsefriheten för den palestinska befolkningen,
med betydande negativa sociala, ekonomiska och humanitära effekter
som följd. I Gaza råder en humanitär kris. Den humanitära krisen
förvärras av våld från båda sidor, inklusive oproportionerliga israeliska
våldshandlingar och palestinska terroristdåd.

Samarbetsstrategi för utvecklingssamarbetet med Västbanken/Gaza (pdf 357 kB)

Samarbetsstrategi för utvecklingssamarbetet med Västbanken/Gaza, juli 2008 – december 2011
Sammanfattning

Ett framgångsrikt utvecklingssamarbete med Västbanken och Gaza förutsätter en politisk fredsprocess som baseras på folkrätten och syftar till en permanent lösning på den israelisk-palestinska konflikten och upprättandet av en palestinsk stat. De svenska specifika målen för utvecklingssamarbetet med Västbanken och Gaza är därför att främja fredsbyggande och fredsprocessen, samt att främja ett demokratiskt palestinskt statsbyggande.

Kollaps i USA?

Vad som slår USA från tre håll är olika skeenden men den totala effekten ser ut att bli förödande för både USA och troligen världsekonomi.

1. Irak krigets kostnad på miljarder dollar varje da
g och ett mellanöstern samt central-asien på randen till krig och kollaps. Den verkliga kostnaden för Irak kommer att bli mångdubbelt mer än vad som sagts och påverka den amerikanska staten under årtionden.

2. Den amerikanska bolånekrisen
som ser ut att bli förödande för hela det amerikanska finanssystemet. Tänk den svenska finanskrisen med bankakuten applicerad på USA och vad effekterna blir på den globala marknaden. Klarar det Europeiska banksystemet en rejäl amerikansk kollaps. Eller de svenska bankerna? Hur många offentliga eller privata organisationer har investerat i finansiella instrument som sålts vidare för att ’sprida’ riskerna.

3. Oljan som närmar sig vad en del tror är 200$ inom kort. Utan en krigssituation i mellanöstern. Bensin och oljepriset slår inte bara hårt mot hela sektorer i amerikansk ekonomi. Det gör också mycket av tillverkningen i Kina oekonomisk för många amerikanska företag som satsat helt på outsourced låglöneproduktion där.

Samtidigt är det amerikanska politiska systemet i
kris hade jag sagt. Även den demokratiska kongressen har visat total oförmåga att hantera situationen. Vid valet till hösten ser också det republikanska partiet ut att närma sig utradering. Obama är förutom vad som i praktiken är några få år i senaten och som delstats senator ett helt oskrivet kort som den troliga presidenten.

Businessweek hade också i veckan en lång artikel
om hur de Saudiska oljereserverna är överskattade. Det är den saudiska oljeproduktionen och möjligheten att öka den som setts som garanten för ett fortsatt ‘lågt’ oljepris.

Jag kan inte se annat än potentialen för en rejäl ekonomisk smäll för hela den globala ekonomin. Och det kaos som skulle följa av en sådan utveckling.

Finns det beredskap för en rejäl lågkonjunktur av 30-tal
s modell i Sverige? Inte av döma av vad de olika partierna presenterade i almedalen i veckan. Klarar de svenska exportföretagen en samtida nedgång i både Kina och USA? De höjda räntorna har redan slagit mot den inhemska konsumtionen liksom en inflation som äter upp reallöner.

DN1,

Bolåneinstitut i USA kollapsar | Ekonomi | Aftonbladet

Federala myndigheter tog på fredagen kontroll över banken, som har huvudkontor i Pasadena och värderas till 32 miljarder dollar, motsvarande över 190 miljarder kronor.

Bakgrunden till beslutet är att bankens kunder sedan i juni har valt att ta ut 1,3 miljarder dollar.

Banken har den gångna veckan meddelat att utlåningen upphör och att 3 800 personer, mer än hälften av personalstyrkan, ska sägas upp. Börskursen har rasat.

USA:s senat klubbade i fredags ett lagförslag ämnat att förhindra att tusentals amerikanska låntagare får gå från hus och hem. Förslaget ska nu kombineras med ett liknande som tidigare antagits av representanthuset, innan det läggs fram för president George W Bush.

Det nya förslaget innebär bland annat tillsyn över de stora bolånejättarna Fannie Mae och Freddie Mac, som även de närmar sig ruinens brant. Den innebär även en räddningsplan för låntagare i knipa, värd 300 miljarder dollar.

USA vinner i Irak säger Dick

Dick Erixon är sur över att SvD inte trycker framgångs bulletinerna direkt från USAs militärhögkvarter. AQ är tydligen besegrat i Irak. Varför ska journalister då bekymra sig om kritisk granskning.

Man kan undra varför dessa neoliberala högermänniskor så gärna vill styra journalisternas arbete.

Att AQ inte existerade i Irak före den amerikanska invasionen
har förstås ingen betydelse när man är ute på korståg för att rädda västerländsk civilisation. Och Usa har visst vunnit i Irak sedan 2006 eller är det 2005?

Storseger i Irak över fundamentalister

Det blir riktigt tragikomiskt när Svenska Dagbladet idag, istället för att rapportera om dessa nya och dagsaktuella framgångar i Irak, skriver om journalister som varit med om terrordåd för flera år sedan — men i bildtext presenterar det som om det skett helt nyligen: Medieskuggan faller över Irakkriget. Dessutom försöker SVD:s Karin Henriksson påskina att medierna inte alls tystar ner positiva nyheter.

Hela artikel blir till ett bevis på hur vinklat, osakligt och totalt verklighetsfrånvänt SVD skildrar Iraks aktuella och framgångrika utveckling. Hur många procent av SVD:s Irak-bevakning har handlat om framgångarna? Låt mig göra en föga djärv gissning: 0 procent.

Välkommen till israel

Några berättelser av många nedan om vad som kan hända om man har fel bakgrund och vill resa in till Israel. Har du fel etniska bakgrund eller bara är kritisk mot Israel är chansen stor att du får se insidan av Bengurion airport detention. Uppenbarligen anses alla från 18årig palestinsk-amerikanska studenter till 50åriga judiska professorer som hot mot Israel.

Number of people denied entry into Israel up 61 percent since 2005 – Haaretz – Israel News
The Entry to Israel Law grants the Interior Minister extensive powers to prevent foreigners from entering the country. It does not require the minister to elaborate on the reason for the refusal, but it is assumed that most people refused entry were those the authorities feared would remain here illegally either to seek work or join family members from the former Soviet Union.

It is also possible that some people were suspected of planning protests. During the second intifada, groups of human rights activists were turned away.

For example, in the summer of 2002, 300 people from Italy were planning to take part in a human chain in Jerusalem, but were denied entry. The first 40 were turned away at Ben-Gurion International Airport, and the rest chose not to come.

At the end of May, an American political science professor, Norman Finkelstein, was not allowed into the country, although he is Jewish and would be allowed in by the Law of Return. The Interior Ministry explained the decision by saying it had followed the instructions of the Shin Bet security service. Finkelstein, a harsh critic of Israel, had met in Lebanon with Hezbollah activists and visited the graves of members of the group.

Har det någon betydelse i det stora hela. Ja Det är inte bara oliktänkande och kritiska judar och palestinier utifrån Israel man slår ner på. Som historien med den judiskt ägda radiostationen vars anställda slängdes i fängelse visar.

Police release 7 peace radio staffers after night in detention – Haaretz – Israel News

Police release 7 peace radio staffers after night in detention

Seven employees of Jewish-owned RAM-FM radio were released from detention Tuesday, a day after Israel Police closed down the station’s Jerusalem office, seizing its transmission equipment.

The Foreign Press Association branch in Israel and the Palestinian territories condemned the police for holding the journalists overnight and demanded their immediate release.

Owned by Jewish South African businessman Issy Kirsh, RAM-FM is an English-language station whose mission statement is to encourage Israeli-Palestinian dialog. The station has headquarters in the West Bank city of Ramallah, as well as a Jerusalem office with a local transmitter on another frequency.

Det är heller inte länge sedan Israel slutade färgkoda bagage som tillhörde icke-judiska resenärer som passerade via Ben Gurion. Nu ska bara ett nummer användas.

Poängen med alla berättelser är att Israels verkliga ansikte sällan syns i västmedia. Och att de Israeler och judar utanför Israel som verkar för fred får väldigt lite stöd. Istället är det de mest brutala sidorna av Israel som hyllas och rättfärdigas med att Israel ‘måste’ göra så för den andra sidan är värre. Om inte annat varför inte läsa vad den judiska organisationen btselem har att säga. Palestinierna har ju ingen röst alls annars i västmedia.

Colored tags for Arabs’ luggage at Ben Gurion airport discontinued – Haaretz – Israel News

Transportation Minister Shaul Mofaz announced on Tuesday that Ben Gurion International Airport security would no longer mark the luggage belonging to non-Jews with colored tags, in order to spare these passengers embarrassment.

Instead, Mofaz explained, the luggage of non-Jewish passengers will be stamped with the same color sticker as the Jewish passengers, only with a different number. In the past, the color of the sticker on the passenger’s luggage would indicate to airport security personnel the level of security check they must administer.

This practice mainly affected Arab passengers.

The security checks at Ben Gurion have been denounced by many in the Arab sector as degrading. ”We’re talking about frequent degradation of Arab passengers, which causes great anger and frustration,” MK Nadia Hilou (Labor) said in January, adding, ”I won’t leave this subject alone until it has been resolved.”

Though the colored stickers have been discontinued since the beginning of August, the luggage belonging to Arab passengers still undergoes a more thorough security check than that of Jews. The Arabs’ luggage is sent to an X-ray scanner with higher resolution.

According to Transportation Ministry spokesman Avner Ovadia, ”the institution of uniformly colored stickers for all passengers aims to prevent a sense of discrimination among various sectors.”

Ovadia added that the numbers on the stickers indicating a more comprehensive security check will change periodically in order to prevent the identification of Arab passengers, and thus prevent a feeling of discrimination.

However, an Arab resident of Nazareth who frequently flies out of Ben Gurion airport said he had no trouble at all identifying the marked luggage. ”This is the exact same system, with a slight change in stickers. In the past, an Arab passenger would receive a red sticker, and now the Arab passenger receives a sticker with the number 5 on it,” the man explained.

Mofaz presented to local authority heads from the Arab sector a plan to minimize the gap between the treatment of Jews and non-Jews and to promote equality. The plan was presented at a conference held at Haifa University.

Mer berättelser:

IMEU: Detention offers students new outlook on Israel
But unlike Jewish Americans who breeze through customs in seconds, we are
Palestinian-Americans. In treatment reminiscent of the Jim Crow South,
we stand in a separate line, are harassed and intimidated. In Israel,
the principles we cherish as Americans disappear; we are suspect
because we are not the ”right” religion or ethnicity.

During my interrogation, an Israeli officer grills me about everything from what
classes I took last semester to what my parents do for a living.
Another shows me pictures of people – my cousin in California, and my
great-grandmother – and asks if I know them. When she shows me a woman
I don’t know, she yells at me: ”Don’t lie!” When I am allowed to leave
the airport, I am advised to make this my ”last trip to Israel.”

But this wasn’t a trip to Israel. I will spend my summer at Bir Zeit
University in the Palestinian West Bank. Israel has militarily occupied
the West Bank and Gaza for 41 years and controls all border crossings.
Nothing gets into or out of Palestinian territory without Israel’s
approval – not students wishing to learn, business people planning to
invest in the Palestinian economy, parents hoping to visit their
children; not food, medicine, or fuel.

Routine harassment

Israel routinely harasses Palestinian Americans traveling to the West Bank or
Gaza. The State Department notes numerous reports of ”American
citizens, of Arab descent, subjected to harsh and degrading treatment
at border crossings.” Many are denied entry altogether. Last month, a
Palestinian-American filmmaker was prevented by Israel from attending
the West Bank opening

Israel denies entry to high-profile critic Norman Finkelstein

http://www.scoop.co.nz/stories/WO0806/S00474.htm
http://www.indymedia.org.uk/en/2004/08/296237.html

http://www.alexawad.org/details.php?ID=9

http://www.ifamericaknew.org/cur_sit/letterfromprison.html

http://www.opendemocracy.net/conflict-middle_east_politics/article_1238.jsp

S.F. Jewish activist held as security threat in Israel / Social

http://www.hcef.org/index.cfm/mod/news/ID/16/SubMod/NewsView/NewsID/1899.cfm

Fighting Israel’s Wall

intended
to join a march organized by the International Solidarity Movement, a
Palestinian-led movement working for Palestinian self-determination and
to end the Israeli occupation. Through nonviolent actions, the ISM
volunteers bear witness to the effects of military occupation. We act
where our governments fail to act. We report what the international
media fail to report.

For daring to witness and report the
brutal effects the wall is taking on the Palestinian population, I have
been deemed a ”security threat” by the State of Israel, denied entry to
both Israel and the occupied Palestinian territories, and threatened
with expulsion. My first appeal to challenge my deportation was denied
yesterday. However, because I know that my efforts to stand against
human rights violations like the construction of the wall are supported
by international law, I am appealing this decision to the Israeli
Supreme Court and will remain in prison until my case is reviewed there.

From
Ben Gurion’s detention center I have experienced first-hand a
scaled-down version of the system of injustice experienced daily by
Palestinians, who call on us to pay attention to the prison walls being
built around them. In light of the decision made by the International
Court of Justice, and in light of America’s ongoing support of Israel’s
defiance of international law, I urge people to answer the call and
participate in bringing to the world the Palestinian voices calling for
freedom and justice.

Stolen days in Israel « Stolen Words Stolen Days
Stolen days in Israel

This is a long and mostly detailed rendition of what happened to me after my arrival in Tel Aviv. I would like to submit this information to the media and any NGOs or organizations that can use the information. By not doing anything I feel I will have more stolen from me. I hope you reading this can also use the information, submit it to the media, etc. I give you permission to do so, just do not use my full name and keep the integrity of the story. It would help me if you could spread this information around, submit it to organizations and the media and would make it easier for me.

On June 16th, 2008 I set out for a trip to Israel and Palestine that I had planned three weeks prior. I had planned to meet a friend whom I had worked with previously at a non-governmental organization (NGO). She was going to show me the various sites such as Jerusalem, Ramallah, and her home town of Jenin. I wanted to see Palestine, and my friends. In addition, after starting a new internship in June in Geneva at a human rights institute I had obtained a contact in Tel Aviv who was a professor that I was hoping to meet as well and discuss matters related to my internship in addition to touring a different side of Israel related to the pursuit of human rights. I also was planning on meeting a friend from college that was in the area studying Arabic and teaching English. In addition I kept in mind a possibility of visiting Egypt during my last week of my planned three week stay. Clearly, I was hoping to meet many people and see many things during my stay in the Middle East. Unfortunately, though, I was unable to see anyone or anything besides the Ben Gurion airport and the guards at Tel Aviv immigration.

I hadn’t anticipated the problems that I was eventually confronted with after arriving at the Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv the morning of June 17th at 4:25am. I asked so many people, so many questions concerning possible problems I would be confronted with and how to avoid them. Due to the fact that I was born in Iran, and this is reflected on my passport, I anticipated some questioning at the airport. I also anticipated difficulties when entering and exiting Palestine. What I did not expect was being denied entry into Israel completely. I also did not expect the inhumane and degrading treatment that I received while being detained for three days while waiting for my return flight.

What follows is a detailed account of what happened to me during my arrival and detention in Tel Aviv:


After exiting the plane I entered the line for those with non-Israeli passports. When I approached the kiosk the woman asked me my father’s name. After I said Mohammad Reza I was pretty sure I would be questioned further. She then asked me my grandfather’s name, I didn’t know, I didn’t have relations with him. She told me to stand to the side of the counter. I waited while others walked around me without problem to the counters and through to customs with their stamps. At that time I noticed that all the kiosks were occupied by women who behaved and appeared quite different from the passport control that I was accustomed to, they were rather informally dressed and casual in their attitude. I was then taken to an office to be questioned. The woman asked me why I was coming to Israel, where I was coming from, what I was doing there, who I knew here, how I knew them, did I have family here, what I studied, where I studied, my contact info, my friends’ contact info and even more questions. Then I was asked to wait in an open waiting room. I was then questioned again, but by a different woman and this time more aggressively. The woman again asked me the same questions, in addition to questions about my flights. I had a stack of papers with my flight info in addition to other information about Palestine and Israel. She saw these papers and asked to see them. Some of my papers were about volunteering in Nablus. I had a friend volunteering there that sent me these papers as it had information on how to get to Jerusalem and Israel. The woman accused me of lying, saying I wanted to volunteer instead of sight see or visit friends. She wanted me to log into my email so she could go through it because she didn’t believe me and said since I received the papers through an email that she needed to see my emails. I refused, saying I couldn’t, “as an American,” and this was a violation of my privacy. She stated that I was not cooperating in an angry and aggressive tone.

I asked her how could I have time to volunteer in three weeks, and she replied that I could extend my ticket. She continuously asked if I was going to volunteer or attend Arabic classes. I told her repeatedly no and she replied that I was lying. She also threatened to call the university that was in Nablus that put together the papers to ask if they knew about me, and I told her to go ahead as they would not know whom I was, yet she did nothing but continued to call me a liar. Even though I was going to sightsee and visit friends, I do not see how a possibility of volunteering at a university in Nablus to teach English would be a possible reason to deny me entry. She appeared to refuse to listen to my plans but was just assaulting me with “questions” that were really more like statements or assumptions of what she thought I would be doing, regardless of what I said.

This period of interrogation was then followed by her taking my papers and then me being told to wait more in the same room. Then I was taken to find my bag, but first a man questioned me again, with the same questions as I had been previously asked, standing outside of baggage claim. After finding my bags a group of men and women took me to a room and proceeded to x-ray then search through all my things, dump my things out of my bags, and wipe them down for explosives. This was without my permission or without explaining to me even the reasoning for such an intrusive search. I was also taken to a separate room and padded down, or frisked. They x-rayed my jacket and shoes. Then after this humiliation I was made to wait again in the same room I was constantly told to wait in. At this point I was still told nothing about my status. I tried asking some people in an office how long I would be waiting, they told me they didn’t know. I asked another woman who questioned me earlier and she said I wasn’t getting into Israel. I asked her why and she replied that I lied, when I asked what I lied about she just told me to sit in the room. The vast majority of employees were women it appeared. There was a tone of high arrogance exuded by the employees that exemplified the prejudiced nationalism that motivated their actions. Their ignorant behavior also reflected the robotic militaristic culture that ran Israel.

They fingerprinted me and photographed me at the airport. I wish that I resisted, but I thought by cooperating I would just get everything over with easier and I would have fewer problems. It turned out it really didn’t matter either way. During the whole time of interrogation I was not offered any food, and only once offered something to drink while my things were being x-rayed but only a hot drink and in the sweltering airport I could not drink anything that would only make me warmer.

After being interrogated for more than eight hours at the airport, from the time of landing, at 4:25am till around 1:00pm, I was taken with a German tourist and two Palestinian-American sisters to a van where they packed up our things and then drove us to Tel Aviv immigration. This building was supposedly on the grounds of Ben Gurion airport. During this time we were still told nothing. One of the sisters asked where we were going, that is how we found out we were going to Tel Aviv immigration. The German girl wasn’t very cooperative during the whole process and didn’t want to enter as she stated she didn’t want to be put in jail. I was maybe too cooperative as I thought being so would just get the process over quicker, I just wanted to go home at that point. Fortunately for the American-Palestinian girls their mother had called the airport and the place where we were and they were able to speak with her and were going to be flown out that day to London. We were made to put our bags in a room and we couldn’t take any pens, cameras, glass objects, or our phones with us. At this point I still didn’t understand that we would be put into detention, or why. They put us in a cell that had six beds, and was already occupied by four women. We were also four, which made a total of eight in the small cell.

I thought at the most we would just have to wait till the end of the day for our flights. After the American-Palestinian girls left I inquired about when my flight was. The guard told me I was to leave on the 20th. At this point I completely broke down crying and upset because I did not want to be there for three days. I actually thought it was four days because I had forgotten I arrived on the 17th and not the 16th, but this day difference that I resolved later made little change in how difficult it was to be there or how slow the time passed. I was told the reason why I had to stay till the 20th was because I was to be flown back to the same city I flew into Tel Aviv from and on the same airline. Earlier flights were apparently booked.

I wasn’t allowed out of the cell and just sat on a bed and cried. No one knew where I was. I was not allowed to call my mother, or the American embassy. I asked to call my mother and they would refuse or tell me later and later never happened. I had fortunately sent a text message through my mobile phone to my mother and some friends at the airport and told them I was being interrogated, but my phone was taken from me before they put me in the cell, my only means of communication.

The only time they would open the door, besides to call people out when their flights were ready and to give us food was during cigarette breaks. The next day there was a cigarette break where the guard left the door open, I used that chance to walk over to the office which was about 20 feet away from my cell and ask again about my flight and why I could not leave earlier. I was shouted at and told that there were no other flights. I asked to call my mother or the American embassy again and the woman again started to yell at me saying I could not call anyone. I asked what about my rights, and I referred to a placard that was by my cell of the rights of deportees, but she told me I was not being deported because I never entered Israel. Then she stated that I was arrested (even though I wasn’t), without stating the crime. I also pleaded in a feeble attempt apparently, stating that I knew people at the United Nations and other organizations, and asked about international law and human rights. Her response was to grab my arm and scream “put her back in her cell.” This experience jolted me further into a depression that lasted till the next day. I had no appetite during this period, and probably ate a handful of bread and a cup of tea just to keep the hunger pains from becoming overwhelming.

It was quite strange to be in the position I was, as my specialty is migration and I study international affairs. Having read so many stories of other people being detained, it is quite a strange experience being in that position. To be living it is another thing.

I had never felt so invisible, powerless and worthless. I was never told why I was there, no one told me anything. I never felt so alone. They treated us like criminals.

If we complained about our conditions they would scream at us. The cell was dirty, the blankets they gave us were old, and nothing was cleaned, and with people coming in and out from different countries who knows what was in the blankets. They barely took out the trash, which would pile up and cause the cell to smell. When someone complained about the dirty cell the “big boss,” as they called him, started screaming at the woman and threw the broom and dust pan into the room and told her to clean it. There was a cleaning lady but she didn’t clean really well and made the room dirtier. She was also yelled at. The “big boss” said that he cleaned his office so we should clean up after ourselves. There was an attitude that we were in some kind of hotel. Even one girl was told at the airport that she was being taken to a “mini-hotel.”

Every night and day new people would come, 3-5 women. Sometimes they would come at around 2:00am. The room had 6 beds but often there would be 7 of us. It was a room of maybe 8×10; there was a bathroom and two showers. The bathroom looked like it hadn’t been cleaned for a long time. There was little air circulation. There was a window but the way the building was made no breeze came in and it had two layers of “bars” that also impeded air circulation. They would put on the air conditioning at night, not during the day, and it would get so cold, almost 50°F, and caused us to get sick. I started wanting to vomit, probably because of the stress and the conditions. The only time we were able to leave the cell was to smoke a cigarette, which would be at the most three times a day. No exercise, fresh air or sunshine. The cigarette breaks were taken simply in the hallway in front of our cells in front of an open window. I would pretend to smoke just to leave the cell.

The new women that would arrive were mostly migrant workers who had been living and working in Israel with expired visas. One Palestinian-American girl came who was also denied entry. There were women from the Philippines, Georgia, Russia, Uzbekistan, Sri Lanka, Moldova, Nepal etc. They were all shocked when I told them I was American and just a tourist. They wondered why I was there. A lot of the migrant workers would be sent to jail, which was called Ramle, before they came to the immigration detention center. A woman from Nepal stayed in Ramle for six months just because she was waiting to get paid by her employer, then she came to the detention center to get deported. She didn’t want to leave. I doubt there are any inquiries as to what situation these people are deported back to, or if their lives are at risk from torture, etc. According to the migrant workers it appeared that Ramle was better than the detention center, as they had a small garden, were allowed to walk around and had better food.

A Filipino woman said: “This place makes you crazy. You’ll see. They tell you that you will leave tomorrow, then two more days, then more. You go crazy in here.” I probably would have gone crazy if I stayed any longer than I did.

They barely gave us water, maybe twice during my whole stay. They told us to drink from the tap when it wasn’t potable; it tasted like paint and was hot. They had intense lighting in the room. Three large circular lights on the ceiling, that were probably 1-1.5 feet in diameter, with a high intensity, almost as a fog light, and then by each bed there was a large light, the shape of a football, attached to the wall, twice as big as a football, also with a high intensity. They would leave these lights on into the night till maybe midnight or 2:00am, and sometimes during the day. They would also sometimes turn them on further into the middle of the night when they were bringing in new people. I asked for a Band-Aid for a sore I had on my foot and I was given some tape and gauze that wasn’t even packaged. I just used a napkin and taped it onto my foot.

When I asked if we could go outside to get sun and fresh air I had to tap on the small window on the door to get the guard’s attention and he said to stop tapping because it made him crazy, then yelled at me to open the window then walked away. We couldn’t leave the windows open at night because of mosquitoes. I had bites all over my body from them and maybe other bugs. The worst part though was that they didn’t let us call anyone. No one knew we were there.

My mother had called the American embassy in Israel apparently and someone from the embassy called me. They sometimes told us when someone called for us, I was allowed to speak to the woman who called from the embassy, her name was Eve Zuckerman, but she was of no help. She told me that my mother had contacted her but she did not help me speak to her and did not state that should do anything further for me besides re-examine my flight schedule. All she would tell me was what Israel had the right to do; she never mentioned my rights even though I was an American citizen and she was calling from the American embassy. She only confirmed that I had to leave on the 20th to Barcelona, even though it was not even my original city of departure but a transit connection, as I was flying from Geneva, Switzerland.

I couldn’t sleep because of the lack of ventilation, unsanitary conditions, the harsh lighting and the heat. They gave us thick blankets one would use in the winter even though it was in the middle of June. I felt things crawling on my body and biting me when I covered myself with one. I couldn’t eat because of depression. I had definitely lost weight in that short period. When I came back I weighed myself and I had lost five pounds. I had no appetite even though I was hungry. I would eat maybe once or twice a day very small amounts of food just so the hunger pains wouldn’t hurt as much. I saw about 18 people come and go because 6 new people would arrive every day and about the same number would leave that day. Some people were very depressing to be around. One lady wouldn’t stop complaining, all day and all night. It was increasing my stress. The guards would constantly yell at us. They would scream at everyone for whatever reason.

I was wearing the same clothes for two days that I had already sweated through. When I asked to get a change of clothes because I couldn’t sleep, the guard replied that “this is not perfection” in terms of the conditions. Later I was allowed to get a change of clothes, this is when I smuggled my phone in my jacket sleeve back to my room. I then sent a text message to my mom and friend again telling them I was in detention. I had almost no credit on my phone though and almost no battery so I could only send two text messages. I also used my phone to take pictures of the cell. They had hidden cameras in the room, but I don’t know how they didn’t catch me, maybe because I was really discreet or they were not paying attention.

When it came time to finally be taken to my flight I was still treated as a criminal, escorted up to the plane and the driver, who turned out to be a policeman, handed my passport to the male cabin crewmember and just said “deport.” He said who are you, and the man said “policeman” only and the cabin crewmember asked for id. The cabin crew person gave my passport to the captain, which furthered my treatment as if I was a criminal. Insult to injury. The cabin crewmember said he didn’t know what to do because he wasn’t given a letter and this had never happened before. It was “all new” to him, he stated.

After I arrived in Barcelona I called my mother with an emergency phone card I luckily had. I also had to change my plane ticket from Barcelona to Geneva to get back home which cost me 247 Euros. I ended up spending a total of almost $1000 on this nightmare.

Three days of my life were taken away from me. How am I supposed to be compensated? Who will compensate me? No one should have to go through this, or be treated like this.

I was treated like an animal. Put in a cage, yelled at, not allowed out, not allowed to call anyone. I fear traveling alone now, and question my rights and the ability for the American government to protect me, even though I am a citizen. This was a very traumatic time for me that I will never be able to forget.

After being back in Geneva and speaking to my friends and my mom I found out even more disturbing information regarding my detention. When my mother or my friend that I was to visit in Palestine would call any Israeli authority they would not tell them where I was or that I was even being detained. They told my friend in Palestine that I was not even there and they told my mom that I was no longer being detained. This lack of information is even more violating.

AB DN1, DN2 DN3


Israels ambassad bakom borgerlig kampanj för Israel?

När ett stort antal borgerliga politiker, bloggare, journalister och debattörer som papegojor upprepar samma exakt samma argument varför Israel är unikt i världen blir jag misstänksam. Det är allt för likt ett organiserat spridande av talepunkter, när man från olika håll upprepar samma argument. Några av de argument man kan hitta i ett antal inlägg.

Påstående Den enda demokratin i mellanöstern. -  Fakta  Varför stöds dessa diktaturer av väst som i 40 års tid stoppat genuina folkliga rörelser.
Påstående Svenska medier ignorerar vad som är positivt med Israel. – Fakta Svenska Medier skriver vad som händer i Israel ytterst lite. 
Påstående Israel måste försvara sig mot fiender som aldrig erkänt landet. – Fakta Arabstaterna inklusive Saudi Arabien har vid flera tillfällen erbjudit fred och erkännande.
Påstående homosexuella fritt kan demonstrera.  -  Fakta Demonstrationerna tog plats mot ett enat fördömande från Israels högsta religiösa myndigheter och under beskydd av 7000 poliser medan tusentals haredi genomförde kravaller.
Påstående Israel är det enda landet i regionen som respekterar minoriteter. – Fakta den som läser israelisk media kan hitta flertalet rapporter om diskriminiering av minoriteter och rena övergrepp. Flera MK har föreslagit deporteringar och införande av lagar som mest påminer om sydafrikas.

Det är en sak att stödja Israels rätt att existera. En annan att oreserverat presentera vinklade fakta i en hyllnings skrift som är direkt osaklig. Dessa israel vänner gör inte landet något tjänst här. Fast de kanske inte vet bättre?  Uppenbarligen har Israel nu blivit ett neo-liberalt höger projekt i Sverige.  

Sen håller jag med alliansfritt Sverige. Denna oreserverade borgerliga hyllning påmminer mest om 30-tals kommunisternas hyllning till Sovjetunionen.  Vilket väl neo-liberalerna i sin dogmatiska ideologiska tro mest påminner om.

Alliansfritt Sverige: Maj 14, 2008- Misstänkt likt 30-talskommunisternas syn på Sovjet

…Istället fokuserar man på hur många ingenjörer per capita det finns, tillsammans med rekordmånga muséer, på ett sätt som är misstänkt likt svenska kommunisters rosenskimrande beskrivningar av Sovjetunionen på den tiden då terrorn var som värst- ”Titta på den nya fina kraftdammen och det moderna jordbruken- varför ska du alltid prata om folkmord? Se istället hur den ekonomiska tillväxten skjuter i höjden.” Fast det är klart, Sovjetvännerna på 30-talet kan i alla fall skylla på okunnighet, nu finns all information tillgänglig, och den bör tas på allvar.
Men sådan insikt lär vi få titta på månen efter.

Grattis på 60-årsdagen Israel! | Debatt | Aftonbladet

Den 14 maj är en historisk dag. För exakt 60 år sedan utropade David Ben-Gurion den nya judiska staten och just denna dag året 1948 blev Israel en verklighet. FN:s generalförsamling hade med 33 för, 13 emot samt 10 nedlagda röster ställt sig bakom att dela det brittiska Palestinamandatet i en judisk respektive en arabisk stat.

I dag är Israel en demokratisk, modern och framgångsrik nation i en region som annars överskuggas av diktatur, förtryck och ofrihet.

Men om detta läser vi alltför sällan i svenska medier. Den mediala debatten kring Israel präglas mest här av krig, kris och konflikt. Nidbilden av Israel är kutym, neutrala skildringar ovanliga och positiva reportage synnerligen sällsynta. Detta är trist. Israel har sina brister som alla andra länder. Vi behöver en demokratisk palestinsk stat sida vid sida med Israel och fredsprocessen måste stärkt gå vidare. Terrorismen i regionen måste upphöra, ingångna fredsavtal respekteras och staten Israel erkännas av sina grannar. Men glöm aldrig heller att Israel samtidigt är ett demokratiskt under bland sina grannländer som brukar toppa listorna över flest brott mot mänskliga rättigheter, kvinnoförtryck och censur. En halv miljard människor lever totalt i närområdet i länder där de inte får tycka och tro fritt.

SVD

Hyllningar till etnisk rensning och folkfördrivning.

Dick Erixon har lyckats med att skriva ett utmärkt propaganda stycke där man kan undra om det levererats från Israeliska ambassaden. Men det är väl en del i de helt okritiska hyllningarna till Israel som dess fanatiska svenska anhängare i Sverige kommer med.

‘Min syn på Israel, och hur en riktig fred i regionen kan åstadkommas, bygger på några enkla fakta. Ja, frågan om fred i Mellanöstern är mycket enkel, bara all propaganda skalats bort.’

Översättning – allt som Israel vill och kräver ska utan diskussion ges till Israel.

—-

Lögn och propaganda 1:

‘Kriget, som kom att kallas sexdagarskriget, blev en enastående succé. Det är nu kartan ritas om: Israel har i försvarskrig vunnit Sinai, Gaza, Västbanken och Golanhöjderna.’

‘Dessa områden är krigsbyten, snarare än “ockupation”, vunna i strid mot en fiende vars avsikt varit att förinta Israel. Denna bakgrund måste man ha klart för sig när man talar om att Israel ska ge upp territorium för att åstadkomma en tvåstatslösning.’

Sexdagarskriget var ett Israeliskt anfallskrig något man sedan medget från Israels sida. Även Dick Erixon kallar det i en mening för försvarskrig för att i nästa säga att Israel startar anfallskrig. Att sedan kalla erövring av territorier i strid mot all internationell rätt för krigsbyte

Lögn och propaganda 2:

‘Fred är dock omöjlig så länge inte den ena parten erkänner och respekterar den andra parten. Här är kärnan i konflikten: arabstaterna har aldrig erkänt Israels existens. Så länge detta inte sker, kan ingen varaktig fred uppnås.’

Från 2007

JERUSALEM (AP) — Arab League envoys paid a historic visit to Israel on Wednesday to present a plan for a regional settlement, saying they were extending ”a hand of peace” on behalf of the Arab world.

VIDEO: Arab peace summit begins in Israel

The one-day visit by the foreign ministers of Egypt and Jordan marked the first time the 22-member group has sent representatives to Israel. The Arab League peace plan envisions full recognition of Israel in return for Israeli withdrawal from lands captured in the 1967 Middle East War.

The visit highlights a dramatic change of direction for the Arab body, which pursued Israel’s destruction after the Jewish state was created in 1948. The league refused to recognize Israel for decades afterward and suspended Egypt in 1979 for a decade after it became the first Arab state to make peace.

In recent years, many Arab states have adopted a conciliatory tone toward Israel as they became more concerned about Iran’s hard-line regime and al-Qaeda

Arab League extends ‘hand of peace’ to Israel – USATODAY.com

Från 2002

A Middle East peace initiative floated by Saudi Arabia’s Crown Prince Abdullah in 2002 is being revived at the Arab League Summit in Algiers despite that fact that it was rejected by Israel three years ago.

http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/middle_east/1844214.stm


The plan:The basic outline or principles of the Saudi plan are known, but the detail is vague. The main points are:

  • Israel is required to withdraw from all territories seized in 1967 – the West Bank, Gaza, East Jerusalem and the Golan Heights.
  • In return, all Arab states offer normal diplomatic relations – including a peace deal that recognises Israel’s right to exist and secures its borders.
  • The plan was formally announced at an Arab League summit in Beirut in March 2003.

Other details are far less firm, but can be gleaned from an interview given to the New York Times newspaper by Crown Prince Abdullah:

  • Reports suggest that the Saudi plan allows for Israeli sovereignty over the Western or Wailing Wall in Jerusalem – one of Judaism’s holiest sites.
  • The same reports suggest that the plan allows for the transfer of some areas of the West Bank to Israel in return for equivalent transfers to a Palestinian sate.
  • It is also suggested that the issue of the right of return for Palestinian refugees to Israel has been dropped or sidestepped. This issue is crucial because many Israelis see the Palestinian claim to the right of return as a fundamental demographic threat to the idea of Israel as a state for Jewish people.

At present the only Arab governments that recognise Israel are the Palestinian Authority, Egypt and Jordan.The idea that all Arab states might offer Israel normal relations and recognise it as a state in the region is the most striking element in the Saudi proposal.


The problems:From the Israeli point of view, the plan as it stands has certain problems. The crucial sticking points may be:

  • Giving up all of the Golan Heights
  • A Palestinian political and administrative presence in Jerusalem
  • The dismantling of all Israeli settlements in Golan, West Bank and Gaza
  • The potential problem of the right of return for Palestinian refugees.

Från New York Times 2006 – Ett Freds erbjudande från hamas.

HERE in Gaza, few dream of peace. For now, most dare only to dream of a lack of war. It is for this reason that Hamas proposes a long-term truce during which the Israeli and Palestinian peoples can try to negotiate a lasting peace.

A truce is referred to in Arabic as a “hudna.” Typically covering 10 years, a hudna is recognized in Islamic jurisprudence as a legitimate and binding contract. A hudna extends beyond the Western concept of a cease-fire and obliges the parties to use the period to seek a permanent, nonviolent resolution to their differences. The Koran finds great merit in such efforts at promoting understanding among different people. Whereas war dehumanizes the enemy and makes it easier to kill, a hudna affords the opportunity to humanize one’s opponents and understand their position with the goal of resolving the intertribal or international dispute.

Such a concept — a period of nonwar but only partial resolution of a conflict — is foreign to the West and has been greeted with much suspicion. Many Westerners I speak to wonder how one can stop the violence without ending the conflict.

I would argue, however, that this concept is not as foreign as it might seem. After all, the Irish Republican Army agreed to halt its military struggle to free Northern Ireland from British rule without recognizing British sovereignty. Irish Republicans continue to aspire to a united Ireland free of British rule, but rely upon peaceful methods. Had the I.R.A. been forced to renounce its vision of reuniting Ireland before negotiations could occur, peace would never have prevailed. Why should more be demanded of the Palestinians, particularly when the spirit of our people will never permit it?

When Hamas gives its word to an international agreement, it does so in the name of God and will therefore keep its word. Hamas has honored its previous cease-fires, as Israelis grudgingly note with the oft-heard words, “At least with Hamas they mean what they say.”

Pause for Peace – New York Times

Trenden blir ganska tydlig här.

Erkännade av ockupation och erövringskrig 

‘Om Jerusalem och omkringliggande bosättningar blir Israels odelade huvudstad, borde Israel kunna lämna övriga bosättningar på Västbanken på samma sätt som man tidigare lämnat alla bosättningar i Gaza (och Sinaihalvön till Egypten).

Har det möjligen gått upp för Dick Erixon att Israel har inga rättigheter till hela Jeruslam. Territoriet var Jordanskt överlämnat till en palestinsk myndighet som krossades av Ariel Sharon.

Israel – staten som aldrig behöver ta ett ansvar
´
‘Flyktingfrågan borde lösas genom att palestinierna blir medborgare i de arabländer de sedan årtionden är bosatta, utan att rikta några krav mot Israel. Samtidigt som de ännu fler judiska flyktingarna som tvingats bort från arabländerna på samma sätt avstår från kompensationskrav för deras förlorade tillgångar.’

Konstigt att höra ett argument som vanligtvis kommer från den israeliska bosättarhögern från en s.k svensk liberal. Det finns idag miljoner palestinska flyktingar utspridda över hela världen.

AB

Idag gratulerar vi Israel på 60-årsdagen

USAs roll i Gaza

Det finns en myt i den svenska debatten kring Israel-Palestina, om att konflikten enbart skulle vara mellan Palestiner och Israeler. En tredje part är den amerikanska regeringen under både Bush och Clinton administrationerna.

Vanity Fair artikel här beskriver USAs roll i de
palestinska territorierna och inte minst Georg Bush misslyckade politiska manövrar att första kräva ett palestinskt val och sedan underkänna resultatet. Och sovjetexperten Condi Rices inkompetens på allt som har med mellanöstern att göra. Efter det ‘misslyckade’ valresultatet 2006 valde sedan USA, Israel och ett alltid lydigt Europa att isolera segraren Hamas. För att sedan organisera ett kuppförsök av Fatah under Abbas och Dahlan. Det USA finansierade kuppförsöket är förstås inkompetent organiserat och leder till Hamas övertagande av Gaza.  Att USA medvetet provocerar fram ett palestinskt inbördeskrig för att krossa Hamas och detta får effekten att Hamas stärks hör till de svarta ironierna i historien. Att kuppförsöket lade grunden till dagens situation i Gaza och den ännu mer destabiliserade regionen borde få några realister att undra det inte hade varit bättre att leva med Hamas som en faktor i regionen.

Vanity Fair has obtained confidential documents, since corroborated by sources in the U.S. and Palestine, which lay bare a covert initiative, approved by Bush and implemented by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and Deputy National Security Adviser Elliott Abrams, to provoke a Palestinian civil war. The plan was for forces led by Dahlan, and armed with new weapons supplied at America’s behest, to give Fatah the muscle it needed to remove the democratically elected Hamas-led government from power. (The State Department declined to comment.)

But the secret plan backfired, resulting in a further setback for American foreign policy under Bush. Instead of driving its enemies out of power, the U.S.-backed Fatah fighters inadvertently provoked Hamas to seize total control of Gaza.

Det kan även vara värt att uppmärksamma vilka det är som Sverige och inte minst EU vill stödja i den pågående Annapolis processen. Med Abu Mazen som utvald härskare över över några få enklaver i det som återstår av en Palestinsk stat och Dahlan som hans ’säkerhetschef’. Att Condi Rice kan flyga in till mellanöstern och ge direkta order om hur Aby Mazen ska agera säger mycket. Inte minst hur falsk hela den ‘fredsprocess’ är som Sverige via EU stöder. Det har aldrig varit tal om en riktig oberoende palestinskt stat. Istället handlar det om Bantustans eller hemländer efter syd-afrikansk modell. Styrda med järnhand av en USA och Israel kontrollerad hemlig polis.

En hemlig polis som regelbundet torterar folk. Historien nedan är heller inte unik. Samma säkerhetspolis och tortyr av politiska motståndare finns i alla de ‘moderata’ arabländer som stöds av väst. Med Egypten och Jordanien som det ‘bästa’ exemplen.

On January 26, 2007, abu Dan, a student at the Islamic University of Gaza, had gone to a local cemetery with his father and five others to erect a headstone for his grandmother. When they arrived, however, they found themselves surrounded by 30 armed men from Hamas’s rival, Fatah, the party of Palestinian president Mahmoud Abbas. “They took us to a house in north Gaza,” abu Dan says. “They covered our eyes and took us to a room on the sixth floor.”

The video reveals a bare room with white walls and a black-and-white tiled floor, where abu Dan’s father is forced to sit and listen to his son’s shrieks of pain. Afterward, abu Dan says, he and two of the others were driven to a market square. “They told us they were going to kill us. They made us sit on the ground.” He rolls up the legs of his trousers to display the circular scars that are evidence of what happened next: “They shot our knees and feet—five bullets each. I spent four months in a wheelchair.”

Abu Dan had no way of knowing it, but his tormentors had a secret ally: the administration of President George W. Bush.

A clue comes toward the end of the video, which was found in a Fatah security building by Hamas fighters last June. Still bound and blindfolded, the prisoners are made to echo a rhythmic chant yelled by one of their captors: “By blood, by soul, we sacrifice ourselves for Muhammad Dahlan! Long live Muhammad Dahlan!”

Det säger en del om hur långt från verkligheten diplomaterna i den s.k fredprocess är när de använder sig av en person som Dahlan. Med tanke på hans ytterst nära kontakter med både Shabak och CIA under den tid USA byggde upp de palestinska säkerhetsstyrkorna som Arafat kontrollerade kan man undra vilken av organisationerna som formellt rekryterade honom?

Troligen är det amerikanarna som kontrollerar Dahlan med tanke på hur nära kontakterna varit. Att CIA hade en direkt närvaro på västbanken och Gaza efter order från President Clinton och var den organisation som hjälpte till att bygga upp och organisera Arafats styrkor är välkänt. Dahlan har mött både Presidenterna Clinton och Bush där Geroge Bush var den som förövrigt förklarade att Dahlan var ‘our guy’ efter att ha titta honom djupt i ögonen precis som Putin. Det var USAs man Dahlan som organiserade tortyr scener som den nedan.

They forced me to accompany them to the home of Aman abu Jidyan,” a Fatah leader close to Dahlan. (Abu Jidyan would be killed in the June uprising.)

The first phase of torture was straightforward enough, al-Jasser says: he was stripped naked, bound, blindfolded, and beaten with wooden poles and plastic pipes. “They put a piece of cloth in my mouth to stop me screaming.” His interrogators forced him to answer contradictory accusations: one minute they said that he had collaborated with Israel, the next that he had fired Qassam rockets against it.

But the worst was yet to come. “They brought an iron bar,” al-Jasser says, his voice suddenly hesitant. We are speaking inside his home in Gaza, which is experiencing one of its frequent power outages. He points to the propane-gas lamp that lights the room. “They put the bar in the flame of a lamp like this. When it was red, they took the covering off my eyes. Then they pressed it against my skin. That was the last thing I remember.”

—–

In 2001, President Bush famously said that he had looked Russian president Vladimir Putin in the eye, gotten “a sense of his soul,” and found him to be “trustworthy.” According to three U.S. officials, Bush made a similar judgment about Dahlan when they first met, in 2003. All three officials recall hearing Bush say, “He’s our guy.”

They say this assessment was echoed by other key figures in the administration, including Rice and Assistant Secretary David Welch, the man in charge of Middle East policy at the State Department. “David Welch didn’t fundamentally care about Fatah,” one of his colleagues says. “He cared about results, and [he supported] whatever son of a bitch you had to support. Dahlan was the son of a bitch we happened to know best. He was a can-do kind of person. Dahlan was our guy.”

Avi Dichter, Israel’s internal-security minister and the former head of its Shin Bet security service, was taken aback when he heard senior American officials refer to Dahlan as “our guy.” “I thought to myself, The president of the United States is making a strange judgment here,” says Dichter.

The Gaza Bombshell: Politics & Power: vanityfair.com

After failing to anticipate Hamas’s victory over Fatah in the 2006 Palestinian election, the White House cooked up yet another scandalously covert and self-defeating Middle East debacle: part Iran-contra, part Bay of Pigs. With confidential documents, corroborated by outraged former and current U.S. officials, David Rose reveals how President Bush, Condoleezza Rice, and Deputy National-Security Adviser Elliott Abrams backed an armed force under Fatah strongman Muhammad Dahlan, touching off a bloody civil war in Gaza and leaving Hamas stronger than ever.
________________
“Everyone was against the elections,” Dahlan says. Everyone except Bush. “Bush decided, ‘I need an election. I want elections in the Palestinian Authority.’ Everyone is following him in the American administration, and everyone is nagging Abbas, telling him, ‘The president wants elections.’ Fine. For what purpose?”

The elections went forward as scheduled. On January 25, Hamas won 56 percent of the seats in the Legislative Council.

Few inside the U.S. administration had predicted the result, and there was no contingency plan to deal with it. “I’ve asked why nobody saw it coming,” Condoleezza Rice told reporters. “I don’t know anyone who wasn’t caught off guard by Hamas’s strong showing.”

“Everyone blamed everyone else,” says an official with the Department of Defense. “We sat there in the Pentagon and said, ‘Who the fuck recommended this?’ ”

In public, Rice tried to look on the bright side of the Hamas victory. “Unpredictability,” she said, is “the nature of big historic change.” Even as she spoke, however, the Bush administration was rapidly revising its attitude toward Palestinian democracy.

Some analysts argued that Hamas had a substantial moderate wing that could be strengthened if America coaxed it into the peace process. Notable Israelis—such as Ephraim Halevy, the former head of the Mossad intelligence agency—shared this view. But if America paused to consider giving Hamas the benefit of the doubt, the moment was “milliseconds long,” says a senior State Department official. “The administration spoke with one voice: ‘We have to squeeze these guys.’ With Hamas’s election victory, the freedom agenda was dead.”

The first step, taken by the Middle East diplomatic “Quartet”—the U.S., the European Union, Russia, and the United Nations—was to demand that the new Hamas government renounce violence, recognize Israel’s right to exist, and accept the terms of all previous agreements. When Hamas refused, the Quartet shut off the faucet of aid to the Palestinian Authority, depriving it of the means to pay salaries and meet its annual budget of roughly $2 billion.

_______

Washington reacted with dismay when Abbas began holding talks with Hamas in the hope of establishing a “unity government.” On October 4, 2006, Rice traveled to Ramallah to see Abbas. They met at the Muqata, the new presidential headquarters that rose from the ruins of Arafat’s compound, which Israel had destroyed in 2002.

America’s leverage in Palestinian affairs was much stronger than it had been in Arafat’s time. Abbas had never had a strong, independent base, and he desperately needed to restore the flow of foreign aid—and, with it, his power of patronage. He also knew that he could not stand up to Hamas without Washington’s help.

At their joint press conference, Rice smiled as she expressed her nation’s “great admiration” for Abbas’s leadership. Behind closed doors, however, Rice’s tone was sharper, say officials who witnessed their meeting. Isolating Hamas just wasn’t working, she reportedly told Abbas, and America expected him to dissolve the Haniyeh government as soon as possible and hold fresh elections.

Abbas, one official says, agreed to take action within two weeks. It happened to be Ramadan, the month when Muslims fast during daylight hours. With dusk approaching, Abbas asked Rice to join him for iftar—a snack to break the fast.

Afterward, according to the official, Rice underlined her position: “So we’re agreed? You’ll dissolve the government within two weeks?”

“Maybe not two weeks. Give me a month. Let’s wait until after the Eid,” he said, referring to the three-day celebration that marks the end of Ramadan. (Abbas’s spokesman said via e-mail: “According to our records, this is incorrect.”)

Rice got into her armored S.U.V., where, the official claims, she told an American colleague, “That damned iftar has cost us another two weeks of Hamas government.”

Gå och läs hela artikeln på engelska.

Categories: Diverse Taggar: , , , , ,

Intressant om Kinas växande roll i Asien och Mellanöstern

Värd att läsa i sin helhet. Via SyriaComment bloggen.

China leaves the US and India trailing (Thanks Observer)
By M K Bhadrakumar
Dec 15, 2007 Asia Times

Hardly a week passes without Delhi taking stock of China’s creeping ”encirclement” of India.

The latest irritant is the massive Afghan tender for copper mines. China has never been a player in Afghanistan in modern history. Indeed, it is a needless provocation on the part of the Chinese to be so utterly fearless of the Taliban and al-Qaeda. While India prides itself as a major donor for Afghan reconstruction – building roads, bridges, hospitals, a Parliament building and even, intriguingly, public toilets – China marches ahead and wins the tender for the Aynak cooper deposit in Afghanistan’s Logar province bordering Kabul, which is billed as one of the world’s largest copper mines.

The project involves US$4 billion in investment by China Metallurgical Group, which will be by far the biggest foreign investment in Afghanistan and is estimated to provide employment for 10,000 people. Significantly, the project includes the development of a railway system linking Afghanistan to China.

Beijing-Tehran oil deal
These audacious Chinese are pole-vaulting across the impenetrable Himalayan ranges with merry abandon in their zest to globalize and integrate.

But the mother of all Chinese encirclement of India still remains largely unnoticed in Delhi – the Beijing-Tehran axis. There is wide recognition that if the United States hasn’t been able to push through another tougher United Nations Security Council resolution against Iran over its nuclear program, that has been largely because of China’s reluctance to concur.

But what happened last Sunday still came as a bolt from the blue. China Petroleum Corporation, better known as the Sinopec Group, signed a contract with the Iranian Oil Ministry for the development of the Yadavaran oil and gas fields in southwestern Iran.

The current estimation is that the project cost will be $2 billion. Under the contract, China will make the entire investment necessary to develop the fields. The first phase is to produce 85,000 barrels of oil per day and the second phase will add another 100,000 barrels. According to Iranian estimates, Yadavaran has in place oil reserves of 18.3 billion barrels and gas reserves amounting to 12.5 trillion cubic feet.

Läs mer…

Categories: Säkerhetspolitik Taggar: , ,

Före detta mossad chef vill öppna kontakter med Iran

Jag vet inte vad det betyder om en person som Halevy med sina rötter i det israeliska säkerhetspolitiska etablissemanget uttalar sig för kontakter med Iran men det är intressant. Mossad är ju också den organisation som har bäst kontakter inom det Iranska etablissemanget. Kommer någon ihåg Iran-Kontra och det Israeliskt arrangerade utbytet av vapen mot gisslan? Jag undrar vilka kontakter Israel har idag med Hashemi Rafsanjani en av Ahmadinejad politiska fiender i Iran?

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Akbar_Hashemi_Rafsanjani

Det är också intressant med tanke på den hysteriska tonen hos viss svenska debattör när kontakter med Iran kommer på tal. Uppenbarligen görs det annorlunda bedömningar på sina håll i Israel. Halevy har ju som många andra debattörer argumenterar för förhandlingar med Hamas.

He is known as a hard-headed pragmatist on issues involving the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, willing to ruffle feathers on the right and the left, unlike many others in the intelligence establishment who are known to take more extreme ideological positions on these issues.

Halevy believes that Israel should negotiate with Hamas. Israel should take up Hamas’s offer of a long-term truce and try negotiating, because the Islamic movement is respected by Palestinians and generally keeps its word, he said. He pointed to the cease-fire in attacks on Israel that Hamas declared two years ago and has largely honored. “They’re not very pleasant people, but they are very, very credible,” Halevy said. [1]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ephraim_Halevy

David Ignatius – The Spy Who Wants Israel to Talk – washingtonpost.com

JERUSALEM — Efraim Halevy, the former head of the Israeli intelligence agency Mossad, titled his memoirs ”Man in the Shadows.” But now that he’s out in the sunlight, the 72-year-old retired spy chief has some surprisingly contrarian things to say about Iran and Syria. The gist of his message is that rather than constantly ratcheting up the rhetoric of confrontation, the United States and Israel should be looking for ways to establish a creative dialogue with these adversaries.Halevy is a legendary figure in Israel because of his nearly 40 years of service as an intelligence officer, culminating in his years as Mossad’s director from 1998 to 2003. He managed Israel’s secret relationship with Jordan for more than a decade, and he became so close to King Hussein that the two personally negotiated the 1994 agreement paving the way for a peace treaty. So when Halevy talks about the utility of secret diplomacy, he knows whereof he speaks.

Halevy, who made many secret visits to Iran during the
days of the shah, argues that rather than rattling sabers the West
should be looking for dialogue with Tehran. ”A creative and
constructive approach to Iran’s concerns — not the dreams of their
fanatic president to effect the demise of Israel — might move them to
see that their self-interest would be better served by taking
alternative paths.”

Halevy takes a similarly contrarian view about Syria. ”Damascus is
now ripe for peace negotiation,” he says. He argues that the Syrians
are signaling their interest in such a negotiation and that the details
of an agreement were worked out during extensive talks in the 1990s.
The Syrian track might be a breakthrough, he argues, because an
accommodation with Damascus might bring along the rest of the Arab
world, lead to a settlement in Lebanon and undermine Syria’s current
alliance with Iran.

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Riverbend bloggar igen

Riverbend bloggar igen. Hon har tydligen äntligen lämnat Bagdad och blivit flykting med 1.5 miljoner

andra Irakier i Syrien. Läs hennes historia. Hon ger röst till en flyktingkris som världen idag inte verkar vilja se. Och lägga in

hennes blogg bland dina bokmärken.

Baghdad Burning

Syria

is a beautiful country- at least I think it is. I say “I think” because while I perceive it to be beautiful, I sometimes wonder if I

mistake safety, security and normalcy for ‘beauty’. In so many ways, Damascus is like Baghdad before the war- bustling streets,

occasional traffic jams, markets seemingly always full of shoppers… And in so many ways it’s different. The buildings are higher, the

streets are generally narrower and there’s a mountain, Qasiyoun, that looms in the distance.

The mountain distracts me, as it

does many Iraqis- especially those from Baghdad. Northern Iraq is full of mountains, but the rest of Iraq is quite flat. At night,

Qasiyoun blends into the black sky and the only indication of its presence is a multitude of little, glimmering spots of light- houses

and restaurants built right up there on the mountain. Every time I take a picture, I try to work Qasiyoun into it- I try to position the

person so that Qasiyoun is in the background.

The first weeks here were something of a cultural shock. It has taken me these

last three months to work away certain habits I’d acquired in Iraq after the war. It’s funny how you learn to act a certain way and

don’t even know you’re doing strange things- like avoiding people’s eyes in the street or crazily murmuring prayers to yourself when

stuck in traffic. It took me at least three weeks to teach myself to walk properly again- with head lifted, not constantly looking

behind me.

It is estimated that there are at least 1.5 million Iraqis in Syria today. I believe it. Walking down the

streets of Damascus, you can hear the Iraqi accent everywhere. There are areas like Geramana and Qudsiya that are packed full of Iraqi

refugees. Syrians are few and far between in these areas. Even the public schools in the areas are full of Iraqi children. A cousin of

mine is now attending a school in Qudsiya and his class is composed of 26 Iraqi children, and 5 Syrian children. It’s beyond belief

sometimes. Most of the families have nothing to live on beyond their savings which are quickly being depleted with rent and the costs of

living.

other="" countries.="" apparently,="" our="" esteemed="" puppets="" power="" met="" with="" jordanian="" authorities="" decided=""

wanted="" to="" take="" last="" two="" safe="" havens="" remaining="" iraqis-="" damascus="" amman.="" began="" late="" august="" and=""

was="" only="" until="" recently-="" early="" october.="" entering="" syria="" now="" need="" syrian="" consulate="" or="" embassy=""

country="" they="" are="" currently="" in.="" case="" iraqis="" still="" in="" iraq,="" said="" that="" an="" approval="" interior=""

is="" also="" required="" (which="" kind="" makes="" it="" difficult="" for="" people="" running="" away="" from="" militias=""

ministry="" interior…).="" today,="" there’s="" talk="" of="" a="" possible="" fifty="" dollar="" visa="" at="" the="" border.="">Iraqis

who entered Syria before the visa was implemented were getting a one month visitation visa at the border. As soon as that month was

over, you could take your passport and visit the local immigration bureau. If you were lucky, they would give you an additional month or

two. When talk about visas from the Syrian embassy began, they stopped giving an extension on the initial border visa. We, as a family,

had a brilliant idea. Before the commotion of visas began, and before we started needing a renewal, we decided to go to one of the

border crossings, cross into Iraq, and come back into Syria- everyone was doing it. It would buy us some time- at least 2 months.

/>
We chose a hot day in early September and drove the six hours to Kameshli, a border town in northern Syria. My aunt and her son

came with us- they also needed an extension on their visa. There is a border crossing in Kameshli called Yaarubiya. It’s one of the

simpler crossings because the Iraqi and Syrian borders are only a matter of several meters. You walk out of Syrian territory and then

walk into Iraqi territory- simple and safe.

When we got to the Yaarubiya border patrol, it hit us that thousands of Iraqis

had had our brilliant idea simultaneously- the lines to the border patrol office were endless. Hundreds of Iraqis stood in a long line

waiting to have their passports stamped with an exit visa. We joined the line of people and waited. And waited. And waited…

/>It took four hours to leave the Syrian border after which came the lines of the Iraqi border post. Those were even longer. We joined

one of the lines of weary, impatient Iraqis. “It’s looking like a gasoline line…” My younger cousin joked. That was the beginning of

another four hours of waiting under the sun, taking baby steps, moving forward ever so slowly. The line kept getting longer. At one

point, we could see neither the beginning of the line, where passports were being stamped to enter Iraq, nor the end. Running up and

down the line were little boys selling glasses of water, chewing gum and cigarettes. My aunt caught one of them by the arm as he zipped

past us, “How many people are in front of us?” He whistled and took a few steps back to assess the situation, “A hundred! A thousand!”.

He was almost gleeful as he ran off to make business.

I had such mixed feelings standing in that line. I was caught between a

feeling of yearning, a certain homesickness that sometimes catches me at the oddest moments, and a heavy feeling of dread. What if they

didn’t agree to let us out again? It wasn’t really possible, but what if it happened? What if this was the last time I’d see the Iraqi

border? What if we were no longer allowed to enter Iraq for some reason? What if we were never allowed to leave?

We spent the

four hours standing, crouching, sitting and leaning in the line. The sun beat down on everyone equally- Sunnis, Shia and Kurds alike. E.

tried to convince the aunt to faint so it would speed the process up for the family, but she just gave us a withering look and stood

straighter. People just stood there, chatting, cursing or silent. It was yet another gathering of Iraqis – the perfect opportunity to

swap sad stories and ask about distant relations or acquaintances.
We met two families we knew while waiting for our turn. We

greeted each other like long lost friends and exchanged phone numbers and addresses in Damascus, promising to visit. I noticed the 23-

year-old son, K., from one of the families was missing. I beat down my curiosity and refused to ask where he was. The mother was looking

older than I remembered and the father looked constantly lost in thought, or maybe it was grief. I didn’t want to know if K. was dead or

alive. I’d just have to believe he was alive and thriving somewhere, not worrying about borders or visas. Ignorance really is bliss

sometimes…

Back at the Syrian border, we waited in a large group, tired and hungry, having handed over our passports for a

stamp. The Syrian immigration man sifting through dozens of passports called out names and looked at faces as he handed over the

passports patiently, “Stand back please- stand back”. There was a general cry towards the back of the crowded hall where we were

standing as someone collapsed- as they lifted him I recognized an old man who was there with his family being chaperoned by his sons,

leaning on a walking stick.

By the time we had reentered the Syrian border and were headed back to the cab ready to take us

into Kameshli, I had resigned myself to the fact that we were refugees. I read about refugees on the Internet daily… in the newspapers…

hear about them on TV. I hear about the estimated 1.5 million plus Iraqi refugees in Syria and shake my head, never really considering

myself or my family as one of them. After all, refugees are people who sleep in tents and have no potable water or plumbing, right?

Refugees carry their belongings in bags instead of suitcases and they don’t have cell phones or Internet access, right? Grasping my

passport in my hand like my life depended on it, with two extra months in Syria stamped inside, it hit me how wrong I was. We were all

refugees. I was suddenly a number. No matter how wealthy or educated or comfortable, a refugee is a refugee. A refugee is someone who

isn’t really welcome in any country- including their own… especially their own.

We live in an apartment building where two

other Iraqis are renting. The people in the floor above us are a Christian family from northern Iraq who got chased out of their village

by Peshmerga and the family on our floor is a Kurdish family who lost their home in Baghdad to militias and were waiting for immigration

to Sweden or Switzerland or some such European refugee haven.

The first evening we arrived, exhausted, dragging suitcases

behind us, morale a little bit bruised, the Kurdish family sent over their representative – a 9 year old boy missing two front teeth,

holding a lopsided cake, “We’re Abu Mohammed’s house- across from you- mama says if you need anything, just ask- this is our number. Abu

Dalia’s family live upstairs, this is their number. We’re all Iraqi too… Welcome to the building.”

I cried that night

because for the first time in a long time, so far away from home, I felt the unity that had been stolen from us in 2003.

/>

Categories: Diverse Taggar: ,

Den turkisk-kurdisk konflikten

Fredrik Malm pekar på en centralpunkt i den

turkisk-kurdiska konflikten.

Det är ganska uppenbart att det PKK är en konfliktorsak i en mycket djupare

konflikt om utseendet på en eventuell framtida kurdisk stat. Där finns förstås även krutdurken Kirkuk med som en del. Det har ju även

förekommit bråk i kurdiska områden i Syrien och inte minst Iran som vad jag förstått till viss del samarbetat med Turkiet. Alla länderna

vill ju motarbeta ett fritt kurdistan. Att vara så ensidigt beroende av USA innebär ju för kurderna finns det ju återigen risken att de

blir brickorna i ett spel som slutar med att de blir svikna. Precis som 1919 i versailles och framåt.

Det är också ganska

svårt att tro att varken de kurdiska myndigheterna, central regeringen i Bagdad eller USAs militärkommando inte skulle vetat

något om eller kunnat kontrollera de PKK förband som opererat inne i Kurdistan och utfört attacker mot Turkiet. Speciellt inte om

ryktena stämmer om beväpningen av PJAK för aktioner mot Iran. Då skulle knappast Masrour Barzani eller andra inom den kurdiska

säkerhets-underättelsetjänsten göra något vidare arbete. Tvärtom är det väl troligt att alla blåljugit.

Även USA för en

schizofren politik. Där realpolitiska intressen som att säkra tillgång till den flygbas som hanterar största delen av USAs flyg

transporterna till Irak ställs mot vad Armenien lobbyn driver fram för lagförslag. Eller dubbelspelet mot både turkar och kurder. Sen

finns även i förlängningen NATOs framtid och det Turkiska medlemskapet i EU. Ett EU som då skulle gränsa till Kurdistan. Med andra ord

situationen berör i högsta grad Sverige.

width="454" />

Fredrik Malm: Mustafa

Akyol, invasionen och PKK

Samtidigt missar Mustafa Akyol, precis som de flesta andra analytiker, den mest centrala

aspekten av dem alla – att utvecklingen i Kurdistan-Irak inspirerar kurder i andra delar av Kurdistan att kräva motsvarande självstyre.

Detta är den långsiktiga utmaningen som Turkiet ännu idag inte kan förhålla sig på något annat sätt än att, just det, agera militärt. I

stället för att skapa förutsättningar för att inkludera Turkiets kurder och ingjuta hopp om en framtid där de är delaktiga i Turkiets

utveckling så väljer turkiska regeringar (påverkade av den djupa staten givetvis) gång på gång att grusa dessa förutsättningar genom att

skjuta kurderna ifrån sig och alienera dem

Irak

stoppar PKK på irakisk mark

Tidigare på dagen hade Turkiets regering, under hårt tryck att sända armén in i irakiska

Kurdistan på jakt efter gerillan, lovat Irak att söka en fredlig lösning på problemet med PKK:s (Kurdiska arbetarpartiet) baser på

irakisk mark. PKK har sedan 1984 slagits för kurdiskt självstyre i sydöstra Turkiet.- Politik, dialog, diplomati, kultur och ekonomi är

medlen för att lösa denna kris, sade utrikesminister Babacan vid en presskonferens i Bagdad tillsammans med Iraks utrikesminister

Hoshyar Zebari, själv kurd.

- Vi vill inte offra våra kulturella och ekonomiska relationer med Irak för en terrorgrupps

skull.

Samtidigt avvisade Babacan gerillans förslag om villkorlig vapenvila i utbyte mot att Turkiet avbryter sina

militäroperationer mot gerillan.

- Vapenvila är en fråga mellan två länder och två arméer, inte med en terrororganisation. Det

handlar om terrorism, sade ministern.

Han tillade att ”enorm ilska” råder i hans land sedan tolv turkiska soldater i helgen

dödats i ett PKK-angrepp. Dessutom saknas åtta soldater, sannolikt fångna hos gerillan.

En nyhetsbyrå med band till gerillan

publicerade på tisdagen foton som sades föreställa de åtta fångarna. ”Bilderna visar att de är vid rätt god hälsa”, sade byrån enligt

Reuters.

SVD

Den icke existerande islamofacismen

Gudmundson uppmärksammar på sin blogg terrorist islam-fascism veckan som drivs på högerkanten i USA. Sen kanske inte

Christopher Hitchens är den bästa att reda ut begreppen även när han är vaken ur

spritdimmorna.

Personligen tror jag
inte det är en tillfällighet att islamofacism blev populärt ungefär samtidigt som

USA kom på den lysande iden att invadera Irak. Saddam var sedan ju ett dålig alternativ som ideologisk fiende något som behövdes i den

stora kampen mellan civilisationer. Att det sedan även motiverad upprustning och miljarder till vapentillverkare som fått mindre och

mindre att göra sedan den förra stora fienden försvann en fördel.

Tanken på en stor ideologisk fiende är förstås

ganska löjlig om man ser till hur splittrade den islamiska världen är.

href="http://gudmundson.blogspot.com/2007/10/hitchens-om-islamofascism.html">gudmundson: Hitchens om islamofascism

I USA pågår Islamo-fascism awareness week, nyttan av vilken man kan diskutera. Det har föranlett

href="http://www.slate.com/id/2176389">Christopher Hitchens att reda ut varifrån begreppet kommer.

The term

Islamofascism was first used in 1990 in Britain’s Independent
newspaper by Scottish writer Malise Ruthven, who was

writing about the
way in which traditional Arab dictatorships used religious appeals in
order to stay in power. I didn’t know about

this when I employed the
term ”fascism with an Islamic face” to describe the attack on civil
society on Sept. 11, 2001, and to

ridicule those who presented the
attack as some kind of liberation theology in action. ”Fascism with an
Islamic face” is meant to

summon a dual echo of both Alexander Dubcek

and Susan Sontag
(if I do say so myself), and in any case, it can’t be used

for everyday
polemical purposes, so the question remains: Does Bin Ladenism or

target="_blank">Salafism or whatever we agree to call it have anything in common with fascism?

Categories: Diverse Taggar:

Vägen mot ett Irankrig

Värd att läsa i sin helhet för de

som läser engelska. Visar om inte annat hur ‘true belivers’ i vita huset gång på gång sagt nej till förhandlingar med Iran och till

otaliga fredsförslag från olika arabstater när det gäller Israel-Palestina. Intressant är även Israels roll i den amerikanska

mellanöstern politiken. När Sharon sade nej var detta också ett nej från Bush administrationen. Vice-president Cheney och Rumsfeld

framgår också som de verkliga arkitekterna bakom Bush administrationens utrikespolitik.

Two former high-ranking policy experts from the Bush </p>
<p>Adminstration say the U.S. has been gearing up for a war with Iran for years, despite claiming otherwise. It'll be Iraq all over </p>
<p>again.

Print The Secret History of the Impending War with Iran

That the White House Doesn’t Want You to Know

At 5:30 a.m. on September 12, they walked the list to the office

of
the deputy secretary of state, Richard Armitage. Powell took it
straight to the White House.

Mann and Leverett didn’t

know each other then, but they were already
traveling down parallel tracks. Months before September 11, Mann had
been negotiating

with the Iranian diplomat at the UN. After the
attacks, the meetings continued, sometimes alone and sometimes with
their Russian

counterpart sitting in. Soon they traded the conference
room for the Delegates’ Lounge, an airy two-story bar with ashtrays

for
all the foreigners who were used to smoking indoors. One day, up on the
second floor where the windows overlooked the East

River, the diplomat
told her that Iran was ready to cooperate unconditionally, a phrase
that had seismic diplomatic implications.

Unconditional talks are what
the U.S. had been demanding as a precondition to any official
diplomatic contact between the U.S. and

Iran. And it would be the first
chance since the Islamic revolution for any kind of rapprochement. ”It
was revolutionary,” Mann

says. ”It could have changed the world.”

A few weeks later, after signing on to Condoleezza Rice’s staff as
the new Iran

expert in the National Security Council, Mann flew to
Europe with Ryan Crocker — then a deputy assistant secretary of state
– to

hold talks with a team of Iranian diplomats. Meeting in a
light-filled conference room at the old UN building in Geneva,

they
hammered out plans for Iranian help in the war against the Taliban. The
Iranians agreed to provide assistance if any American

was shot down
near their territory, agreed to let the U.S. send food in through their
border, and even agreed to restrain some

”really bad Afghanis,” like a
rabidly anti-American warlord named Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, quietly
putting him under house arrest in

Tehran. These were significant
concessions. At the same time, special envoy James Dobbins was having
very public and warm

discussions in Bonn with the Iranian deputy
foreign minister as they worked together to set up a new government for
Afghanistan.

And the Iranians seemed eager to help in more tactical
ways as well. They had intimate knowledge of Taliban strategic
capabilities

and they wanted to share it with the Americans.

Läs mer…

Terrorist eller frihetskämpe

Om inte annat belyser händelsen frågan vem är terrorist

eller frihetskämpe. Att liknande aktivitet pågår även inne på iransk område eller att iranskt artilleri verkar däremot inte

någon uppmärksamma i svensk media. ”The Party for Free Life in Kurdistan” (PJAK) är den iranska grenen av PKK. En organisation som

enligt flertalet rapporter stöds i attacker mot iranska mål av både USA och Israel.

Det blir intressant att se om

USA väljer en gammal allierad och NATO medlem eller en nyare allierad. Med tanke på historia och Turkiets tyngd verkar valet

ganska logiskt. Kurderna har övergetts tidigare av USA. Vilket förstås skulle spränga hela den

href="http://sv.wikipedia.org/wiki/Potemkinby">Potemkinkuliss som dagens Irak är. Det finns heller inga av dagens

omgivande stater som är intresserade av ett fritt Kurdistan. Samtidigt är USA beroende av kurderna i irak och förhållandet till turkiet

försämrats.

href="en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurdistan_Workers_Party">

class="a">en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kurdistan_Workers_Party

Krismöte i Turkiet efter rebellattack

Offren är de första sedan i onsdags då

Turkiets
parlament gav klartecken för militära anfall över gränsen till det
autonoma irakiska Kurdistan.Syftet är att försöka

krossa gerillaorganisationen PKK, som har terrorstämplats av såväl Turkiet som EU och USA.

-
Vårt parlament har gett

oss fullmakt att agera och inom det ramverket
kommer vi att göra vad som krävs, sade Erdogan enligt Reuters då.

class="artindrag" dngenerated="true">Turkiet har redan runt 100.000 soldater i gränsområdet för att förhindra PKK:s intrång över

gränsen.

Enligt kurdisk militär i norra Irak öppnade turkiskt artilleri eld på ett
tiotal platser längs med gränsen under

söndagsförmiddagen. Men då
skadades ingen. Liknande gränsbeskjutning från turkiskt håll har
tidigare inträffat.

Ledningen

för kurderna i norra Irak har svarat med att göra klart att kurderna avser försvara sig med våld om Turkiet eller andra aktörer

invaderar området.

Enligt nyhetsbyrån Reuters har premiärminister Tayyip Erdogan kallat sina
ministrar och höga militärer till

ett krissamtal senare i eftermiddag
svensk tid.

Det inhemska trycket på

Erdogan är hårt, där många kräver att han agerar mot
kurderna i norra Irak efter den senaste tidens attacker mot

turkisk
militär.

Iraks president Jalal Talabani sade på söndagen att ett utlämnande av PKK-medlemmer till Turkiet aldrig blir

aktuellt.

-
De befinner sig i Kurdistans otillgängliga bergsområden. Att överlämna
kurdiska ledare är en dröm som aldrig

kommer att besannas, sade
Talibani, själv kurd.

DN1

 

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