Etikett: israel. Syrien

  • Tzipi Livni Israels nästa premiärminister

    Tzipi Livni verkar bli Israels nästa premiärminister. Det blir då ganska intressant vem hon är.

    Tzipi Livni – Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

    Born
    in Tel Aviv,[5] Livni is the daughter of Eitan Livni and Sara
    Rosenberg, both prominent former Irgun members.[6] Tzipi Livni served
    as a lieutenant in the Israel Defense Forces and worked for the Mossad
    for nearly two years during the early 1980s, resigning in August 1983
    to marry and finish her law studies. It is rumored that she was a
    terrorist hunter for the Mossad,[7] however recent findings suggest
    that Livni was a low level agent hired to live in Paris apartment used
    by Mossad so that it would look like regular residential property.[8] A
    graduate of Bar Ilan University’s Faculty of Law, she has 10 years
    experience as a practicing lawyer, specializing in public and
    commercial law.[9] Livni resides in Tel Aviv. She is married to
    accountant Naftali Spitzer and has two children, Omri and Yuval.
    According to her childhood friend Mirla Gal, Livni is a vegetarian.[10]
    Livni speaks Hebrew, English, and French.


    Tzipi Livni med Dick Cheney

    Att Tzipi Livni inte är någon duva framgår ganska tydligt om man läser hennes bio. Samtidigt verkar hon ha utvecklats till en mer pragmatisk realist från hennes bakgrund i den israeliska yttersta högern och Irgun. Om man ska tro Wikipedia och Gruardian.

    In Sharon’s Cabinet, Livni was an avid supporter of the prime minister’s disengagement plan
    and was generally considered to be among the key dovish or moderate
    members of the Likud party. She often mediated between various elements
    inside the party, and gained recognition for her efforts to achieve
    peace, particular her successful efforts to have the pullout from the Gaza Strip
    ratified by the Knesset. On 12 November 2005, she became the first
    member of her party to speak at the official yearly commemoration of Yitzhak Rabin’s assassination.

    On 20 November 2005, Livni followed Sharon and Olmert into the new
    Kadima Party. Ahead of the 28 March elections Livni was appointed to be
    the new Foreign Minister, while continuing to serve as Justice
    Minister, as a result of the mass resignation of Likud Party members
    from the government. In the selection of candidates for the March 2006 Knesset election,
    Livni was awarded the number three position on Kadima’s list of
    candidates, which effectively guaranteed her election to the Knesset.

    On 4 May 2006, with the swearing-in of the 31st Government, Livni
    became Vice (or Deputy) Prime Minister and retained the position of
    Foreign Minister. She ceased serving as Justice Minister at that time,
    but again held that position from 29 November 2006 to 7 February 2007,
    while still serving in her primary role of Foreign Minister. With these
    appointments, Israel is one of the few countries in the world to have
    had more than one female foreign minister, and the only country in the
    Middle East to have seen a woman in a position of comparable power.

    Guardian ger en delvis annan bild av ’duvan’. Det är intressant att Livni är ett barn av vad som är den närmaste israeliska motsvarigheten till PLO eller en av dess undergrupper – Irgun. Och att hon står en generation ifrån den grupp Israeler som med vapen grundade staten Israel. 

    Med tanke på hur korrumperade den övriga israeliska politiska eliten är ska den bli intressant att se hur Livni agerar. Israel behöver en kompetent pragmatisk realist om landet ska överleva. Likadant hänger mycket av framtiden för både palestinier och mellanöster på vem som väljs i Israel.

    Profile: Tzipi Livni, Israel’s foreign minister | World news | The Observer

    Livni,
    a tall, auburn-haired former lawyer who will turn 50 next month, came
    to political office late in life. She was elected to the Knesset,
    Israel’s parliament, at 41 and began her rapid climb up the cabinet
    ladder two years later. Even rivals recognise her potential allure as a
    figure utterly untainted by the serial scandals and partisan warfare
    that have sullied Israeli politics in the past few years.

    But if
    she came to office late, Livni came to politics early. And it was
    politics of a passionately ultra-nationalist hue. Her father Eitan was
    chief of operations in Menachem Begin’s anti-British Irgun underground
    and her mother Sara was an Irgun footsoldier.

    Livni’s childhood
    was steeped in the enduring loyalties of Begin’s so-called ’fighting
    family’, in a bitter resentment towards the Labour establishment that
    dominated every area of public life until Begin’s shock election
    victory in 1977, and a fierce dedication to the vision of a Jewish
    state on the entire biblical Land of Israel, including the West Bank.

    For
    Tzipi Livni, the personal and political journey from her
    fighting-family childhood to an impassioned advocacy of a two-state
    compromise with the Palestinians as Israel’s Foreign Minister has been
    no less extraordinary. And since she has repeatedly insisted that part
    of that deal must be an unconditional end to Palestinian terror
    attacks, it has not been without its extraordinary ironies.

    Her
    father, after all, was part of the high command of the Irgun, although
    he was arrested three months before the assault which would lastingly
    brand Begin’s irregulars, in the eyes not only of the British but
    mainstream Jewish leaders, as a terror group – their 1946 bombing of
    Mandate headquarters in the King David Hotel in Jerusalem in which 91
    people, many of them civilians, were killed. Interestingly, Livni,
    alone among Israeli cabinet ministers, has drawn a distinction between
    Palestinian attacks on civilians and on Israeli troops. ’Somebody who
    is fighting against Israeli soldiers is an enemy, and we will fight
    back,’ she told a US television interviewer. ’But I believe that this
    is not under the definition of terrorism.’

    During her school
    days, while both bright and athletic, as a ’child of the Irgun’, she
    was inevitably an outsider. Livni none the less excelled during her
    obligatory army service. She went on to work in Israel and then in
    Paris for the intelligence agency Mossad, work she has always
    resolutely refused to discuss, before taking a law degree and carving
    out a successful, decade-long career as a corporate attorney.

    Her
    parliamentary career began conventionally enough, as a candidate for
    the right-wing Likud. But as Israel’s conflict with the Palestinians
    changed dramatically, Livni was soon changing too.

    She had long
    viscerally objected to any compromise deal and particularly to the Oslo
    Accords negotiated under the Labour Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. But
    as the 2001 Palestinian uprising, or intifada, escalated with a
    campaign of terror bombings against Israeli civilians – and with
    demographic trends pointing towards an Arab majority in an Israel that
    included the West Bank and Gaza – she began to rethink the assumptions
    she had held since childhood.

    Visiting London as the then-Prime
    Minister Ariel Sharon began pressing his idea on a divided Likud for an
    Israeli pullout from Gaza and at least parts of the West Bank, Livni
    met prominent members of Britain’s Jewish community. One of them asked
    whether she had abandoned her dream of a Greater Land of Israel. Her
    reply was thoughtful, earnest, quiet, almost as if the child of the
    Irgun were battling with the lawyer and politician she had become.

    It
    was ’painful,’ she said. But the dream she had grown up with was for a
    ’Jewish, democratic state in the Land of Israel’. She had come to
    realise that the first two parts of that dream – a Jewish and
    democratic state – faced a mortal risk if Israel continued to rule over
    millions of people in the Palestinian territories. Two states, she had
    concluded, were a national imperative – not only for the Palestinians,
    but for Israel.

    The change in Livni has deepened in the years
    since. She was a leading force in Sharon’s Gaza pullout plan and
    followed him out of an angry Likud to form the new centre-right Kadima
    party of which she and Olmert are now senior ministers, with Livni his
    formal deputy. But it has remained a painful, deeply personal
    transition. Her father’s picture still has pride of place in her
    office. When her mother died last year, a friend who visited her
    recalls: ’You could see how enormously important both her families are
    to her’ – her husband Naftali Spitzer is an advertising executive and
    they have two sons, Omri and Yuval.

    Yet Western diplomats who
    have worked with Livni trying to revive the Israeli-Palestinian peace
    process say the complex forces at work are never far from the surface.
    One of them laughs at media portraits of her as a ’dove’. ’She is no
    softie,’ he says. ’On key issues for Israelis – security and opposition
    to an unfettered ”right of return” for Palestinians into homes lost in
    1948 or 1967 – she is as tough as anyone.’

    But he adds: ’She
    genuinely feels a two-state agreement is necessary. Her attitude when
    there is an objection the Palestinians are pressing is always to go the
    extra mile, to try to find some creative formula for a solution, as
    long as it doesn’t endanger what she sees as the core needs of Israel.’